Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Problems of Socialism, Continued: Socialism After the Revisionist Controversy -- The Workers' Perspective on Society: Bernstein's Account of Socialist Ideology -- Ideology between Science and Utopia: The Prospects for Bernsteinian Socialism -- Part I: Socialism Past and Present: Historical and Contemporary Disputes Within Socialism -- Chapter 2: Prologue -- Chapter 3: Socialism as a Social-Scientific Theory of Development -- Chapter 4: The Natural Rights Justification of Socialism -- Chapter 5: The Significance of Theories of Value for Scientific Socialism -- Chapter 6: The Nature of Society in Advanced Capitalism -- Chapter 7: Socialism and the Theory of Class Struggle -- Chapter 8: Theory of the State and Socialism -- Chapter 9: Socialism as Democracy and Parliamentarism -- Chapter 10: The Bolshevist Perversion of Socialism -- Chapter 11: The Nearest Possible Realisations of Socialism -- Part II: Writings on Ideology and Socialist Theory -- Chapter 12: The Social Doctrine of Anarchism -- I. An Anarchist "Picture of Civilisation" -- II. Max Stirner and The Ego -- III. Proudhon and Mutualism -- IV. Bakunin's Anarchism and the Various Anarcho-Communist Hybrid Constructs -- Chapter 13: Social Liberalism or Collectivism -- I. Posing the Question -- II. The Point of Departure and Remedy of Oppenheimer's Social Liberalism -- III. The Flaw in Oppenheimer's Calculation -- IV. The Liberal Principle and State Intervention -- Chapter 14: How is Scientific Socialism Possible? -- I. -- II. -- Addendum I -- Addendum II -- Addendum III -- Addendum IV -- Addendum V -- Chapter 15: What is Socialism? -- I. The Emergence and Transformations of the Concept of Socialism -- II. Liberalism as the Preliminary Stage of Socialism -- III. Socialism and the Ideology of the Workers' Movement.

1. Introduction (by Marius S. Ostrowski) -- Part I The German Revolution: History of the Emergence and First Working Period of the German Republic -- 2. Foreword -- 3. Prologue -- 4. The Reich leadership before the Revolution -- 5. The dawning of the Revolution -- 6. Government and Social Democracy from the start of October to 9 November 1918 -- 7. 9 November 1918 in Berlin -- 8. The initial form of the German Republic -- 9. The Revolution in the individual states -- 10. Struggles of socialists against socialists -- 11. The first Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils in Germany -- 12. The sailors' uprising in Berlin, Christmas 1918 -- 13. The Independent Social Democrats' departure from the Rat der Volksbeauftragten -- 14. The communist uprising in Berlin, January 1919 -- 15. The murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg -- 16. The general situation in the first months of the Republic -- 17. The Nationalversammlung elections, conclusion of the first stage of the Revolution -- Part II How a Revolution Perished -- 18. Foreword -- 19. Why the Second French Republic perished -- 20. A users' guide for the present -- Part III Selected articles -- 21. Eduard Bernstein for Unity -- 22. Bernstein's Return to the Party -- 23. The Independents' Attempt at Mediation -- 24. On the Question of Unity -- 25. Auf Wiedersehen! A Parting Word to Independent Social Democracy -- 26. Lassalle and Bolshevism -- 27. The Timescale of the Revolution -- 28. An Easter of Hope -- 29. Eduard Bernstein against the USPD -- 30. The Bankruptcy of Bolshevism -- 31. The Communists -- 32. The Election Campaign -- 33. The Decision -- 34. 20 February and the Revolution -- 35. Four Years On

The ideology of Europeanism – defined as a commitment to the political, economic, and cultural consolidation of the European continent – has undergone major transformations during the twentieth century. Yet the study of Europeanism has not as yet systematically examined the range of conceptual meanings that the various strands of the Europeanist ideological family exhibit. Instead, Europeanism has typically been treated either ahistorically as a set of desirable social ideals and values, or reductively as a quality exclusively associated with European institutions in their current form. Both obscure the fundamental, wide-ranging debates over the nature of 'Europe' and 'Europeanness' that have shaped the substantive development of Europeanist ideologies over the last century. This article maps out the key areas of conceptual contestation that are consistently shared by all Europeanisms regarding the boundaries of Europe, the degree of European consolidation, and how 'Europeanisation' is to be realised.

Published online: 15 November 2021 ; The ideology of Europeanism – defined as a commitment to the political, economic, and cultural consolidation of the European continent – has undergone major transformations during the twentieth century. Yet the study of Europeanism has not as yet systematically examined the range of conceptual meanings that the various strands of the Europeanist ideological family exhibit. Instead, Europeanism has typically been treated either ahistorically as a set of desirable social ideals and values, or reductively as a quality exclusively associated with European institutions in their current form. Both obscure the fundamental, wide-ranging debates over the nature of 'Europe' and 'Europeanness' that have shaped the substantive development of Europeanist ideologies over the last century. This article maps out the key areas of conceptual contestation that are consistently shared by all Europeanisms regarding the boundaries of Europe, the degree of European consolidation, and how 'Europeanisation' is to be realised. ; This article was published Open Access with the support from the EUI Library through the CRUI - CUP Transformative Agreement (2020-2022)

AbstractBritain's political parties can be divided into two blocs: a 'progressive bloc' of parties on the left/centre‐left, and a 'reactionary bloc' of those on the right/centre‐right. In three of the last four general elections, the progressive bloc won an appreciably larger share of the popular vote than its reactionary rival. Yet its greater internal fragmentation has been repeatedly punished under first past the post, leading to what is now over a decade of Conservative‐led governments. This has prompted growing pressure to form a 'progressive alliance' between Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, and their Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish nationalist competitors. This article sheds a historical and international light on these demands, examining the difficulties other similar efforts at progressive cooperation have faced across the world. It considers how progressive alliances have previously sought to overcome geographical, ideological, and social divides between their constituent members, and draws some salutary lessons for British progressives today.